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A 1.7 TB archive containing 1.23 million emails has been posted to DDoSecrets.
Security Affairs says Anonymous has released files that appear to have come from three Russian firms: Hacktivism is usually ambivalent and seldom decisive, but in this case the Anonymous collective has achieved a nuisance-level of annoyance through doxing Russian organizations. Ukraine has attracted considerable hacktivist support. Ukraine says it has a humanitarian dimension as well as the obvious propagandistic one: the families, Kyiv says, are certainly not going to get the truth about their sons from the Russian authorities. It's a controversial tactic that has been criticized as gratuitously cruel. Kyiv's cyber operations have most prominently included messaging the families of Russian soldiers killed during the invasion. Wired summarizes Ukraine's operations in cyberspace, and notes that even the Ukrainian operators are surprised by their defensive successes. Fortinet offers a historically informed summary of wiper malware and its employment in cyber conflict. The effects of such attacks, however, seem to have been quickly contained. The most alarming Russian operations have been deployments of destructive wiper malware. code." CERT-UA has provided "a comprehensive list" of compromised sites hosting BrownFlood code.
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" The government team for responding to computer emergencies in Ukraine CERT-UA in close cooperation with the National Bank of Ukraine (CSIRT-NBU) has taken measures to investigate DDoS attacks, for which attackers place malicious JavaScript code (BrownFlood) in the structure of the web pages and files of compromised websites (mostly under WordPress), as a result of which the computing resources of computers of visitors to such websites are used to generate an abnormal number of requests to attack objects, URLs of which are statically defined in malicious JavaScript. Russian and Ukrainian operators exchange cyberattacks.ĬERT-UA has warned that distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks against Ukrainian targets continue. We would add failures in logistics, training, and leadership, all three of which can now obviously be seen to have very deep roots in the Russian forces.
Assessments of Russian failure concentrate on intelligence mistakes (mostly gross underestimations of Ukrainian capability and resolve, and of the loyalty of Ukraine's Russophone minority), strategic and operational errors (failures of concentration, of unity of command, of choice of objective), and political underestimation of the odium with which the rest of the world, especially Europe and North America, would regard the invasion. But the defense intellectuals who misread Russian combat capabilities, an essay in War on the Rocks suggests, are facing their own self-examination and accountability. Whether Russians will hold their political and military leaders responsible for building a large mechanized force that proved in the event capable of massacring civilians, but not of achieving battlefield success, remains to be seen. Indeed, "first two months" is itself shocking when used of an invasion that was widely expected to be successful within hours or at most days of its onset. Few if any military and security experts expected the Russian army to fail as clearly and visibly as it has during the first two months of its war.